Breaking the Law, Burying the History
- The French Revolution, fueled by women, transformed society, but once the chaos ensued, leaders struggled to return to normalcy as the masses sought further destruction.
- Nationalism, introduced by Napoleon, fostered a dangerous belief in superiority that justified domination over others, a mindset that has persisted in history and is echoed today.
- Historically, Muslims have protected religious minorities, with justice being a core principle of their identity, yet the ongoing violence in Gaza highlights a failure to learn from history and the dangers of oppression.
In the 18th century, the French people achieved a remarkable feat of rebellion against the empire, giving rise to one of the most significant revolutions in recorded history—the French Revolution. The path to revolution was long and fraught with resistance and suffering. But once the French succeeded in their hard-fought revolution, a pivotal fact often overlooked is that it was sparked by women, who throughout much of history have been seen as mere objects of desire. Yet, as with many revolutions, the victors struggled to turn it off once they had won.
After the revolution, the leaders urged people to return to factory work to stabilize the economy, but the masses had grown so accustomed to the upheaval that they couldn’t stop. They became infatuated with the act of destruction and sought new targets for the prison. The revolutionaries who had gained power could not convince the people to return to normal life. It reveals a darker aspect of human nature—a desire to find joy in the misery of others and ongoing suffering. Ironically, the mastermind behind using guillotine against supposed enemies of the revolution was himself guillotined. Even this did not quell the revolutionary fervor, as the people sought new things to set ablaze and more heads to roll.
It was not until Napoleon Bonaparte entered the scene with a bold idea that the chaotic energy of the people found a new direction. Napoleon introduced the concept of nationalism. He asked the French a seemingly simple yet misleading question: “Why did we, as the French, pull off such a remarkable revolution?” The answer, he suggested, was because they were a superior nation. No other nation could have accomplished such a revolution, so it became their duty to export it to the world. Thus began Napoleon’s 20 years of military campaigns.
The problem with nationalism is that once a nation deems itself superior, it implies that others are inferior. This same dangerous notion of superiority was later adopted by the Nazis in Germany, and it echoes today in places like Israel. Nationalism often leads to the belief that superior people have the right to dominate or eliminate those deemed inferior. In contrast, patriotism is about loving one’s country and defending its borders, regardless of its ethnic or cultural diversity. Patriotism is territorial, while nationalism is about asserting the supremacy of one people over others. Don’t confuse the two.
Historically, Arab Muslims have never embraced nationalism. Consider the conquest of Jerusalem by the caliph Omar ibn Al-Khattab, who, upon entering the city, allowed the Jews to reside there again and helped rebuild the Temple Mount, which had been destroyed by Christian fanatics. Or take the conquest of Persia, where Christian and Jewish administrators were permitted to govern their affairs. And remember the fall of the Muslim state of Granada in 1492: it was the last refuge for Jews in Spain. The Christian rulers not only expelled the Jews but also killed those who had converted to Christianity (Marranos) and even targeted Christians of Arab-African descent. Racism, rooted in skin color, was born here.
History shows that Muslims have often protected Jews and other religious minorities. Justice, after all, is not a difficult concept to grasp. Sometimes, justice demands standing up against oppressors alongside the oppressed. This sense of justice is intrinsic to the Muslim identity, one that Islam fosters as a religion built on equality and fairness.
Yet, standing up against oppressors is no easy task. It requires immense courage and fortitude. Many find it easier to submit to the law-breaking oppressor, avoiding confrontation. Evolutionary psychology suggests that in the face of danger, humans have a fight-or-flight response. In our early history, when predators threatened us, we often chose flight—seeking safety in trees when wolves or leopards entered our caves. Even today, many people struggle to fight back. Have you heard of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising? When Nazi forces were executing the “purification” of Polish Jews in death camps, a few hundred Jewish fighters rose against them. The Nazis responded by bombing and incinerating the ghetto. Despite knowing the atrocities, none of the Allied powers—neither Great Britain nor the United States—took immediate action. They had intelligence, yet chose a flight response.
Today, in Gaza, a new wolf of nationalism, cloaked in racial superiority, is committing atrocities against the patriotic women and children of Palestine, bombing hospitals and schools. And once again, the world, particularly nations with not-so-glorious pasts, is turning a blind eye to oppression. Perhaps my professor was right when he said, “When power doesn’t ensure justice, every oppressed dreams of becoming an oppressor.” Maybe he was correct, but I still hope for a better world—one free from racial, religious, and cultural dogma.
If we had genuinely learned from history and reflected on our past mistakes, the genocide in Gaza could have been prevented. Our lived experiences shape our future actions. Consider how long it took for those who were historically oppressed to become oppressors themselves.
The author holds a degree in Political Science from Government College University, Lahore. His areas of interest include international relations, philosophy, and Islamic history and culture.
