Reserved Seats for Women: An Illusion of Empowerment

“No true democracy exists if women’s voices are kept in silence”—a remark that rings even truer in the case of Pakistan, where women now make up nearly half of the entire population. Since the country gained independence in 1947, the representation of women in the National Assembly has varied, reflecting broader societal attitudes toward gender equality. The constitutions of 1956 and 1962 initially provided only six reserved seats for women in the National Assembly—a figure that increased to 10 in the 1973 constitution for 10 years or three National Assembly elections. In 1985, the number of reserved seats was raised to 20. Nevertheless, these seats were later abolished, and the elected governments did not reinstate them. During General Pervez Musharraf’s era, the number of reserved seats increased to 60—a step that appeared progressive on the surface. Yet, this move did not empower women as anticipated.

A significant problem today is that nearly all the reserved seats are occupied by women from the prosperous class. Even if we set this issue aside, the real political power of these women is likely to be very limited. The current cabinet, for instance, does not include any women at all. The system of reserved seats is commonly perceived as a mere token gesture meant to create an illusion of gender balance in government. Women’s representation remains more symbolic than genuine. These reserved seats often go to individuals who serve primarily to reinforce the power of ruling families. In other words, these women rarely act as independent, active legislators. Many of them function as figureheads, following the directions of male politicians rather than influencing policy themselves.

Although there has been a shift in the legislative framework toward creating more meaningful and fair representation for women, systemic inequalities persist within Pakistan’s legislative system. Laws and policies frequently overlook or fail to address the primary issues that uniquely affect women—such as gender-based violence, equal pay, and lack of access to education. Without women truly having a seat at the table and participating in the decision-making process, it is difficult to create policies that genuinely address these challenges. The continued absence of strong female voices in the key legislative roles where laws are shaped results in a system where gender discrimination remains institutionalized.

The solution should not only focus on increasing the number of women in parliament but should also aim to improve the quality of women’s participation in the lawmaking process. This means giving women real power in politics, rather than mere tokenism. The fulfillment of quotas to achieve gender balance alone does not solve the deeper issues. What is needed is comprehensive reform that ensures true representation—where women are not only included in discussions about what society categorizes as “women’s issues” but are also central to policymaking on all societal matters.

Some argue that women should concentrate solely on so-called women’s issues. But this mindset confines women to a narrow sphere, limiting their influence in broader political decision-making. It also implies that women’s input is only relevant when discussing gender-specific concerns, excluding them from broader legislative discourse. Such marginalization deprives women of a voice in shaping policies across critical sectors—from the economy and healthcare to education and beyond. If women are confined to speaking only on behalf of their gender, their societal impact will remain minimal. That’s why we must challenge this narrative and instead advocate for women’s participation in all areas of governance—not just those labeled as “women’s issues.”

Obaid Mukhtar Awan

The author is a BA-LL.B (Honours) student at BUIC.

This author does not have any more posts.