Social Stratification and Class Dynamics in Pakistan
- Historical Roots and Class Divisions: Pakistan's social stratification stems from colonial exploitation, the caste system, and feudal structures, dividing society into an elite class, a growing middle class, and marginalized lower-class laborers.
- Factors Perpetuating Inequality: Feudal dominance, unequal access to education, weak labor movements, and urban-rural disparities contribute to persistent inequality, marginalizing women and lower castes.
- Proposed Solutions: Land reforms, equitable education funding, rural infrastructure development, merit-based employment, and government oversight on fair wages are critical for fostering inclusivity and reducing inequality.
Social stratification divides society into hierarchical groups based on wealth, power, caste, and occupation. In Pakistan, this stratification is evident in its class structure, which consists of a wealthy upper class comprising industrialists, politicians, and landlords; a growing middle class of professionals and skilled workers; and a lower class that includes rural peasants, factory workers, and informal laborers. This system has deep historical roots, shaped by colonial exploitation, caste dynamics, and modern economic disparities.
Karl Marx noted that pre-capitalist societies, including rural India, had natural economies that were largely self-sufficient, relying on a mix of agriculture and domestic production. During the Mughal era, petty commodity production was common, but the economic system differed significantly from Europe’s feudalism. According to Taimur Rahman in The Class Structure of Pakistan, the Mughal Empire operated under the Asiatic Mode of Production (AMP), where the state, led by the emperor, owned all the land. Peasants worked the land and paid taxes directly to the rulers. This centralized system enabled the rulers to control resources and labor.
The subcontinent’s caste-based social structure was adapted by the Mughal Empire to consolidate its political and administrative dominance. Upper-caste Hindus, such as Brahmins and Rajputs, were integrated into the Mughal administration and military, while lower castes, like Shudras and Dalits, continued to perform labor-intensive jobs, primarily in agriculture. Despite Akbar’s policy of religious tolerance and efforts to maintain alliances with Hindu elites, the caste system persisted. Social mobility was limited and typically confined to commerce and trade, while caste-based occupations remained rigid. This pragmatic approach by the Mughals sustained the caste system’s influence, which was later institutionalized during the British colonial period.
With the arrival of the East India Company and British colonization, significant changes occurred in the social and economic structures. Policies such as the Permanent Settlement Act (1793) and the Punjab Land Revenue Act (1846–1863) transformed zamindars (tax collectors) into powerful landlords while leaving peasants tied to the land as tenants. This institutionalization of a feudal system created stark class differences between landlords and landless peasants.
Thomas Macaulay’s “Minute on Education” (1835) introduced English education, which created a privileged middle class that served as intermediaries between the British and the masses. This new elite further stratified society, as education and administrative opportunities became accessible primarily to a select few.
Since Pakistan’s independence in 1947, its class system has undergone significant changes influenced by varying economic policies and land reforms. Initially, rural politics and power structures were dominated by feudal lords, leaving little room for social mobility among peasants. Ayub Khan’s industrialization policies in the 1960s led to the rise of an industrial elite and an urban middle class but also exacerbated income inequality. In the 1970s, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto attempted to reduce feudalism and inequality through land reforms and nationalization of industries. However, these measures were poorly implemented and had limited impact. The 1980s saw Zia-ul-Haq promote privatization and economic liberalization, which benefited the business elite while deepening socio-economic disparities. Urban areas experienced development, while rural regions continued to lag in education, healthcare, and infrastructure.
Today, feudal families like the Chowdhurys of Punjab and the Waderas of Sindh still dominate land ownership. Dependency theorists argue that Pakistan’s integration into the global economy has exacerbated inequality. Low-wage, labor-intensive industries such as textiles depend heavily on exports, while policies imposed by international financial institutions like the IMF and World Bank—such as privatization, subsidy reductions, and expanded taxation—have disproportionately harmed the poor and benefited the elite.
The rising inequality in Pakistan aligns with Karl Marx’s theory that capitalism inherently favors the wealthy elite who control resources and power, leaving the majority poor and exploited. Women and lower-caste individuals face even greater marginalization within this system. Weak labor movements and unequal access to education perpetuate poverty and exclusion, ensuring that the cycle of inequality continues.
To address these deep-rooted issues, several key measures must be implemented. Feudalism needs to be actively discouraged through comprehensive land reforms and the promotion of rural development. Public-private partnerships could direct resources toward social programs, such as scholarships, affordable housing, and healthcare for the poor. Education reform is also essential. Public schools must be equitably funded and supported to ensure that students from all backgrounds have access to quality education comparable to that offered in elite private schools. Employment opportunities should be merit-based rather than reliant on social connections, with government oversight to ensure fair wages for low-income workers. The urban-rural divide must be bridged by investing in rural infrastructure and decentralizing resources. Improved roads, healthcare facilities, and educational institutions in rural areas can enhance opportunities for those currently excluded from the benefits of urban development.
By implementing these measures, Pakistan can create a more inclusive and equitable society, where individuals have the opportunity to succeed regardless of their social status or background. The challenge lies in overcoming entrenched power structures and vested interests, but with sustained effort and political will, progress toward a fairer society is achievable. Social stratification in Pakistan is a reflection of historical, economic, and political inequalities. Addressing these issues requires a multi-faceted approach that targets the root causes of inequality while fostering opportunities for upward mobility. Only by bridging these divides can Pakistan hope to achieve a just and equitable society for all its citizens.
The author is a graduate with a Bachelor of Business Administration, majoring in Finance, from BUITEMS, Quetta. She is also an alumna of the Women2Women America International Leadership Program.
