The Fate of Hasina Wajid: A Lesson for the Autocratic Regimes

On August 5, 2024, Hasina Wajid tendered her resignation as prime minister of Bangladesh, and Dr. Yunus, an eminent economist and laureate, was chosen to serve in that capacity. The student unions and military establishment both shared their belief that Dr. Younus is not only a trustworthy individual but also possesses the ability to address the internal and external crises, the state is currently facing as a result of Hasina Wajid’s egoistic and autocratic policies.

Bangladesh’s political landscape is rapidly evolving: Hasina Wajid, named the “iron fisted lady,” quit from both the prime ministership and the state due to the ongoing anti-government demonstrations. Why did she suddenly become so weak that not even her own hand-picked Army Chief, General Waker-Uz-Zaman could stand up for her regime? Even though the situation has been building against her for years, the student demonstration turned out to be the final blow that brought her down.

When thousands of students protested against the quota system in the streets of Bangladesh in July 2024, the country became the focus of the international media. Possibly, the majority of people, despite their competence, are unable to enter the government services because 56% of employment was reserved for different groups, including 30% for the families of the freedom fighters. Conversely, the quota system provided Sheikh Hasina with the leverage to reassign Awami League workers and supporters to government positions, thereby asserting their ancestral roots back to the freedom fighters. Last month, a protest that called for the repeal of the quota system broke out and eventually turned into an anti-government movement. Hasina Wajid failed to combat the pressure and relinquished her charge as the Prime Minister by the advice of the Army Chief.

Disputes have errupted due to Sheikh Hasina’s autocratic mindset. She had been in charge for fifteen years, which had made her pompous and encouraged her to employ Orwellian principles to crush her opponents-the students, rather than trying to find a middle ground to ease tensions. She identified the demonstrators, traitors, and razakars—a Bangladeshi diction for those who backed the Pakistan Army during the 1971 war. In addition, the opponents became resentful due to the implementation of curfews in large cities, the blocking of communication networks, and the issuance of shoot-at-site orders for the security services. Videos and pictures from Bangladesh appear showing that because of her repressive regime, young people are vandalizing the statues of Sheikh Mujeeeb, the country’s founding father. According to Dr. Younus, Hasina has ruined her father’s legacy.

Bangladesh has been a one-party state for the past 15 years. Since Hasina Wajid had cornered the opposition parties, the Awami League was the only party determining the state’s fate. In 2013, the Jamaat-e- Islam had been banned, and the League administration even imprisoned Khalida Zia, the head of the major opposition party, the Bangladesh National Party. According to a source, a few months prior to the January 2024 elections, around 20,000 political leaders and workers were incarceted in order to make enough space for the Awami League. The situation has reached a point of no return due to the lack of political parties; the sole option left for the student demonstrators for political discourses the dissolution of the Parliament and Hasina Wajid’s resignation. The down fall of Hasina Wajid has not been carried out within night but the situation has been tarnishing for years and she herself is responsible for it.

Various critics also take all the developments by cross hairs. Events are ushering in such a way that the regime has been changed by design rather by an organic process. There might be some internal and external hidden hands, who want to get rid of Hasina Wajid, as she has become a state within state. Considering the legacy of Bangladesh, the state which has remained under direct and indirect military dictatorships, it is not difficult for military to control the situation. Similarly, the series of events: change in demands of the students- from abolishment of quota to the resignation of Hasina, abolishment of the assemblies and the formation of interam set-up under Dr Yunus reflect that the script may has been secretly written, while the students has been used as the mere pawn. The speculation may or may not be true but the whole episodes have given some prudent lessons for the other states like Pakistan.

A government will always need the aspirations and support of the public, not the backing of influential institutions, to justify its policies because people’s attitudes and interests shift throughout time. In order to prevent non-political forces from exploiting the political chasm, an inclusive political system with an effective role for opposition parties is also important. Last but not least, rather than making derogatory comments about the people, the problems of the people must be addressed by actively engaging them in conversation. If the governments of Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Hasina Wajid haven’t survived against the popular resistence despite strong roots and absolute power, no one will have to be certain about ones regime, particularly those who are battling with the similar sort of socio-economic crises, which the above two leaders have witnessed in their respective states.