National Integration in Pakistan: Challenges, Fault Lines, and the Way Forward

 Understanding the term National Integration is imperative for addressing this topic. H.A. Ghani presents national integration as a “socio-psychological and educational process through which feelings of unity, solidarity, and cohesion develop in the hearts of the people, fostering a sense of common citizenship and loyalty to the nation.” In simple terms, national integration is the process of bringing various cultures and communities under the umbrella of a single nation, employing socio-psychological and educational means.

Muhammad Nawaz Khan, in his paper titled “National Integration: Challenges and Options for Pakistan,” highlights two crucial features of the integration process: nation-building and state-building. Nation-building involves a psychological approach to creating a sense of commonality, whereas state-building is linked to territorial integrity and the absence of separatist sentiments within the geographical boundaries of the state.

Pakistan is still at an embryonic stage in fully achieving both nation-building and state-building. The case of Pakistan is similar to Rupert Emerson’s view in his book From Empire to Nation, where he maintains that the new states of Asia and Africa are not yet nations in being but only nations in hope.

Challenges 

                       Following are some important challenges to the national integration.
1) Lax Governance, Denied political rights, Insecurity and Socio-economic disparity: Failing to stem the tide of crime, poverty, and social ills, lax governance has triggered feelings of marginalization in South Punjab, Interior Sindh, Baluchistan, and the Tribal Areas. Consequently, feelings of alienation have given a fillip to militancy. Flawed planning, unsteady development, and extraordinary delays in implementing policies are hallmarks of bad governance. The same can be observed in the ex- FATA region and Baluchistan. Having passed the bill for the FATA merger with KP seven years ago, implementation is still in limbo, and promises are largely unfulfilled. The deteriorating security situation in KP, particularly the ex- FATA region, has further compounded the challenges. Following a new military operation, “Sarbakaf,” in parts of the Bajaur tribal district, local people have found themselves between the devil and the deep sea, vulnerable to both terrorism and military operations. The recent failure of peace talks between the BajaurAmn Jirga and local militant commanders has left little room for the concerns of local communities. Sadly, hundreds of families have fled their homes due to operation in the restive LowiMamund and War Mamund tehsils. Furthermore, the ex- FATA region already performs dismally in the indices of education, economy, human development, and climate change. The war-torn area remains on the receiving end of poorly crafted policies by the establishment, failures of Afghan policy, and bad governance. It would be essential to have a post-operation development plan to cater to the needs of the local population, or at least the promises made at the time of the merger should be lived up to. Moreover, the case of Baluchistan is no different. Baluchistan remains largely underdeveloped. According to the UNDP Report for 2020-21, Baluchistan’s average annual GDP rate stands at 2.1 % against its population growth of 3.2%. To add insult to injury, the Multi-dimensional Poverty Indexpredicts highest level of poverty at 71.2% in Baluchistan. The issue of enforced disappearance, denied political rights and say in mineral related agreements further aggravate the sense of marginalization in Baluchistan. In order to resolve the issues in Baluchistan, several initiatives have been undertaken, including Aghaz-e-Haqooq-e-Baluchistan, the National Finance Commission Award (NFC Award), and CPEC projects. However, these measures have proven insufficient due to absence of political will, ineffective administration, capacity issues, and poor planning by the provincial government in particular and the federal government in general. As far as CPEC projects are concerned, Rafiullah Kakar contends that 70% of CPEC investment is in the power sector, and Baluchistan does not have sufficient transmission infrastructure and storage capacity to take advantage of that. He further questions the timing of initiatives taken under CPEC, arguing that launching developmental projects without restoring a minimum level of peace in Baluchistan was not a well-thought-out plan. Additionally, the use of force by security institutions to crush voices of dissent further consolidated the insurgent elements in Baluchistan. In a nutshell, most of the provincial grievances are stemming from socio-economic disparity, poor governance, insecurity and suppression of political rights. 

2) Leadership gap, provincial grievances and fragile coalition: Competent leadership never trivializes its people’s worries and concerns. To bind people together and foster a sense of unity is an art that only capable leadership possesses. In the same vein, unity among various ethno-cultural identities is deemed as a cornerstone of democratic culture. However, violating basic rights and neglecting the concerns of different identities can lead to disillusionment and even insurgencies, as evident in Baluchistan, where a low-intensity ethnic insurgency persists following the lack of confidence in the state’s policies. Since Pakistan has a leadership crisis, provincial grievances garner scant attention. At present, unaware of the ground realities, the ruling elite view the ex- FATA region’s concernsand the issues of Baluchistan through a security lens rather than from a political and administrative perspective. Furthermore, Rafiullah Kakar maintains that the basic issue lies in the “instability of coalition.” The coalition of political and security forces is fragile. The security establishment’s influence and its never-ending political experiments have deprived Pakistan of true leadership. Therefore, political leadership, uncertain of its tenure, cannot form long-term policies. In contrast, many of the issues akin to national integration demand long-term planning, political stability, a popular mandate, and empowered local bodies. The absence of credible leadership and the dissatisfaction with the security establishment’s policies exacerbate the trust deficit and blur the possibilities of national integration.
3) Dynastic politics, Political System and Federating units: Certainly, the political system is also responsible for hampering the process of national integration. In Pakistan, dynastic political parties have a massive influence over the political system. Today, both dynastic parties (PML -N & PPP) are running the country under a coalition government propped up by the security establishment. Both political parties rely on Punjab and Sindh for a vote bank, emphasizing regional instead of national politics. Mostly, the small ruling elite, consisting of these two parties, has dominated federal politics. Muhammad Nawaz Khan notes that the political hegemony of a few establishes an aristocracy that utilizes the state apparatus for its vested interests, thereby damaging national unity. A struggle for power among the political aristocracy to preserve their legacy severely mars the federation. Additionally, the security establishment has an even greater influence over the political system. Political parties with aristocratic or populist tendencies are bound to toe the line of the establishment for their political survival. Therefore, political parties either pay lip service or appear to be bystanders in the case of KPK and Baluchistan, neglecting the peaceful voices and provincial concerns. 
 4) Terrorism, Extremism and Sub-nationalist politics:Terrorism and religious extremism are unavoidable drivers of national disintegration. BLA and TTP are the main perpetrators of terrorism backed by hostile foreign agencies. An uptick in terrorist attacks nurtures a sense of insecurity and distrust in the public toward state policies. On the contrary, integration demands trust and confidence in the state and its policies. As far as religious extremism is concerned, it has taken a deadly form. Minorities are not safe, the misuse of blasphemy laws is rife, and the culture of debate and dialogue has plummeted. Furthermore, the rise of some groups has shrunk the room for tolerance and pluralistic values. Additionally, sub-nationalist politics by some nationalist leaders trigger regional feelings, exploiting controversies like the Kala Bagh Dam. As a result, it becomes extraordinarily challenging to foster national consciousness. 
                                          Conclusively, Leadership gap, provincial grievances, bad governance, socio-economic disparities, flawed political system, terrorism, extremism and sub-nationalist politics are stumbling blocks in the way of national integration. Furthermore, paying no heed to peaceful voices would play into the hands of militants and extinguish all hope of national unity. 

Recommendations 

                     Maleeha Lodhi in her recent article “What holds Pakistan Back?” aptly puts that “Pakistan is one of the most over-diagnosed countries in the world. It has long been apparent what needs to be done for the country to achieve its promising potential.” In the same vein, national integration remains a much-debated, protracted and unresolved issue. Sadly, the ruling elite of Pakistan have a propensity to pay little heed to the matters of grave concerns. As suggested by Muhammad Nawaz Khan in his paper and Raffiullah Kakar in his article, practical measures are essential. Some of the key recommendations include:

1) The central government should form a National Social Action Plan (NSAP) to reduce the provincial-regional disequilibrium. It would be a comprehensive strategy to stem the tide of economic and social inequality and injustice. 

2) Bridging the gap between Baluchistan and other provinces through rail and road networks would be crucial. Furthermore, 4G services and allocation of seats in all federal departments based on poverty and backwardness would be instrumental in fostering a sense of integration. 

3) Improvement of the KP government’s administrative structure that can implement the plan of FATA merger in true letter and spirit is the need of the hour. Provision of security, infrastructure, educational institutions, and healthcare centers would be essential for mitigating the sense of marginalization. 

4) The government needs to prioritize those projects that forge economic interdependence among the federating units.

5) In order to improve efficiency and capacity building, the central government should develop a mechanism for administrative accountability, decentralization of power, and cutting bureaucratic red tape.  

6) Inter-provincial internship programs with handsome stipends and packages for doctors, engineers, and economic managers should be established. Trade, lawyer, and doctor unions should be formed at the national level. 

7) Empowering local bodies is imperative for grappling with the issues of mistrust, disillusionment, and stagnant social and economic growth. 

8) Political dialogue to resolve all long-standing issues demands urgency and a well-thought-out plan. 

9) A national strategy to counter extremism should promote messages of unity, peace, and social harmony. 

10) Utilizing the power of media, a strong national narrative should be shaped, coupled with practical steps to address provincial reservations. 

11) Civil-military leadership should bring Confidence Building Measures (CBM) to win the people’s trust. Military operations should be discouraged, and paramilitary forces should be withdrawn from certain areas. The issue of missing persons should be resolved. 

12) For lasting stability in Balochistan, it is important that political leadership emerges organically through the will of the people. Strengthening democratic values and respecting the public mandate can help rebuild trust in the political process and foster a more inclusive environment.

13) Balochistan should be ensured an equitable share in the ownership and management of its natural resources. In this regard, full implementation of Articles 172(3) and 158 would strengthen both trust and cooperation. Any new mineral laws should be introduced with due consultation, keeping in view public concerns and the broader democratic spirit.

14) In terms of CPEC, there should be an inclusive development approach that prioritizes human rights, the welfare of the local public, and peace. Initiating any project without restoring a minimal level of peace would be counter-productive. Peace is the top priority, which can only be achieved through accommodating public opinion and shedding repressive policies. Additionally, peace in Baluchistan is a prerequisite for the successful completion of development projects and the safety of Chinese workers, which is a matter of great concern for China. 

15) Poverty alleviation policies are direly needed in Baluchistan and the ex-FATA region. The challenges emanating from climate change, insecurity, and an inefficient administrative structure would compound the issue of poverty. 
                                    Though Pakistan’s challenges to national integration are grave, they are not insurmountable. A true democratic government with a clear vision can propel the country in the right direction. Over the years, the political, social, and economic circumstances have offered us two invaluable lessons: first, a hybrid regime has miserably failed to deliver and win public confidence. Second, neither military means nor dynastic politics can resolve outstanding political and administrative issues. Nowadays, the idea of more provinces is reverberating in the corridors of power. What the proponents of more provinces should be mindful of is that a fragile economy, a fledgling democracy, resurging terrorism, expanding authoritarianism, political repression, administrative failure, and misplaced priorities cannot be compensated for by establishing more provinces. National integration is hardly possible through more provinces but through course correction.

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Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial stance, policies, or official position of The Spine Times.